Friday, December 1, 2006
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Christianity originate
Text of New Testament Christianity and the original Aramaic
documents that give information on the origins of Christianity are, despite appearances, exterminated and written in many languages over the texts considered canonical by the Christian Churches and which constitute the New Testament, there are many others, called 'apocryphal' (many of whom lost , in part or found only in the twentieth century), which give us a much broader historical view, although do not quote it here very soon. The Christian experience is closely tied to the idea of a "New Covenant", as advocated in the book of Jeremiah 31.31-34, and then as I try to make the community of the Essenes of Qumran: it was a "New Covenant" that somehow involved a radical transformation of life, linked to what we might call a kind of messianic revolution "of life and the world. The idea of a New Testament was established with the Gnostic Marcion in the second century, then regarded as heretical by the Roman Western Church, who saw in Christianity a new religion that was opposed to Judaism and thus should have its own text you contrapponesse to records Jewish, considered later under the name 'Old Testament'. The radical perspective of Marcion did not win either convinced that Christianity had a strong Jewish roots, however, even though current heterodox sect of Judaism such as the Essenes. The sources of Christian texts the New Testament, however, a much more remote than one might expect from the majority of critics and probably collected sayings, miracles and narratives about Yeshu'a (Jesus) have already been composed by his followers (the first of its death) in the thirties of the century, first in a verbal and then written, and certainly in a dialect of Aramaic is necessary, in fact, start from the premise that first of all, Christianity is a religion of Eastern Europe, Middle East, the Syrian-Palestinian and only after it has spread to the West. For centuries the Christian Churches of the West base their tradition and their teaching (in the end, despite the statements of principle, even the churches of the Reformed) on inspiration and originality of the canon of the New Testament greek, and you know how hard it was the path to eventually return to the greek text of the New Testament after the emergence of the Latin Vulgate, or Hebrew -Aramaic Old Testament beyond the Greek version of the so-called 'Septuagint'. In the readings of texts in the history of early Christianity, we encounter attempts (obsolete almost all scholars, including Catholics) to avoid acknowledging the existence of a Mother Church of Jerusalem headed by James and a Jew- Original Christianity, not merely following and heretical as often presented. I think the two issues are closely linked: the statement presumption-an original feature of the Church of the Gentiles-Western, as supposedly founded by Peter, led to the presumption kind original feature of the Greek texts. All this is closely connected to a prospect, even implicitly anti-Semitic language in the literal sense, the foundation of Western civilization on purely 'indigenous', or the classical Greek civilization: the historian Martin Bernal has shown how this paradigm 'Indo' is anti-Semitic rather late and had its origin in the nineteenth century German. It must be recognized that the textual criticism New Testament, paradigmatic and affirming the originality of the greek text was developed in the nineteenth century German, although in this century have found the oldest manuscripts of the Syriac-Aramaic: the Christian element can also be traced back to this paradigmatic framework 'Indo' if and only if the first church was formed in Rome, however, and the sacred text of Christianity is greek, without the recognition of a dependence Semitic. The original Aramaic texts of early Christianity have been so physically destroyed first, and then when it must take account of New Testament texts in some form of Aramaic, they are submitted and 'hidden' as mere 'Syriac translations'. Apart from the Vööbus and Nestle, only the volume of Metzger, 'Early versions of New Testament' devotes some space to the Syriac, and here is the chapter-by Sebastian Brock contribution aims to demonstrate the 'limits of Syriac translations' respect the alleged original Greek. It seems to me that the steps that Brock discussed here, instead prove the opposite, that the Syriac text is not traceable to an original greek (Syrian many steps do not correspond to any known Greek version, and should therefore postulate the existence of other manuscripts Greek corresponding unknown), and some loans from the greek vocabulary may also have led to Syrian scholars in error to think of an original greek. Syrosinaiticus Certainly, the most ancient manuscript rediscovered in the nineteenth century Syro-Aramaic, is a copy relatively late, but even the Greek texts are 'autograph', but 'apographs', however, subsequent reviews. If the original texts were written in Western Aramaic dialect, it is absurd to think that the Syriac texts have been translated from Greek and not almost purely 'transcripts' handwriting in Syriac Aramaic texts from the Western, and thus almost identical to the originals. The same Syro-Aramaic is very similar all'aramaico Syrosinaiticus of Western Palestine, and this has in common with idioms. That the Greek texts are translation from an original Aramaic was largely shown by Torrey. Even if the reference is to a western Aramaic and attempts to reconstruct the original Aramaic text without taking into account the Syro-Aramaic texts available to our existing and seem genuinely ludicrous. This is in agreement with the only things that we can stick to and which have been written by Eusebius or Jerome: We know from Eusebius i) that the apostles 'Syrians' and speaking the language 'Syriac', by Eusebius, De Theophania IV 6, 217-220, V, 46, 333 Demonstratio evangelical revival of III, 7, 10-11, and this is reinforced by Isho'dad in his prologue to the Acts of the Apostles (Commentaries, vol. IV p.1, "leshan Syruana"), ii) that Papias tells us that Matthew collected the sayings of the Lord in 'Jewish' (Western or Palestinian Aramaic), and everyone translated them as he could (Ecclesiastical History III.39.16 ), iii) that mentions a possible Hegesippus gospel 'Syriac' before the fourth, which is a text that is attributed to the Syrian Tatian of the second century and which seems to contain steps that go back to all four canonical Gospels and perhaps other (Ecclesiastical History, IV.22.8) by Jerome (Dial. adv. Pelago. III.2) we know that the gospel of the Jews (Matthew elsewhere identified with the authentic 'Jewish') was written in the Chaldean Syrian but with characters 'Jewish', which should be interpreted as the western Palestinian Aramaic. He died in eusebeia ("The piety") of Theophrastus (372-287 BC), fragment VIII, preserved in Perì apoches empsychon ("De animalium abstinentia" or "abstinence from animals), II.26.1 - 32.2 , Porphyry (203-305 AD), in Eusebius, Preparation IX.2.1 evangelical, it is written: "In truth, including Syrians, the Jews ...". That the Hebrews / Jews are part of the Syrians is also called in and Megasthenes Clearchus Suns, and also Philo, Quod in OMN. prob. 75, stated: "The Palestinian Sira is not sterile and is inhabited by virtue of a significant proportion of the Jewish people. "Werner Jaeger, in Diokles von Karystos, Berlin, 1938, states that the Jews were so listed because they lived in the same geographic region and spoke the same language, Aramaic (Syriac). See: Theophrastus, Della Pietà, edited by G. Ditadi, isonomia, Este (PD) 2005, p. 221. FC Burkitt, following G. Dalman, highlighted as among Syriac and Aramaic Eastern Aramaic Palestinian West than there is a difference as between the Scottish and English, mostly concerning the pronunciation and then the spelling and pronunciation (implicitly confirmed by Josephus, Bell. Jud. IV.1.5). On the indistinguishability old speaks S. Pines. It is also note the strong resemblance Aramaic in the Babylonian (Talmudic) and Syriac. Cureton thought the Syriac manuscript he had found the original text of the Gospels. The A. Lewis Smith thought the same but the manuscript she found the Syrian-Palestinian. Étienne Nodet and Justin Taylor, in their origins of Christianity, they note that Rashi (BBabaQ to 83), though denied by his followers, called the Syriac 'Aramaic of nations', which recalls the biblical expression of Galilee,' Galilee of the nations and peoples', a saying of the Syriac language as spoken in relation to biblical passages in Aramaic in Daniel, Ezra and Nehemiah (YSota 7, 3, p.21c.), while the jew Judah the Prince around 200 accepted the greek But notice the Syriac, which is considered as related to Nazor threatening or Syriac Christianity (as we know Jesus was called a Nazarite or Nazarene or Nazarite, and this epithet refers to a Jewish sect, not the city of Nazareth). The Palestine of Jesus on the other hand Roman Empire was under the governorship of Syria, which was included. In the Old Syriac text of Mt 4:24 is missing as in the greek text: 'His fame spread throughout Syria'. If this text was a translation from the greek, this step would have been, because 'favorable' to the origin of the ancient Syrian Christianity, so the Old Syriac text that does not depend on greek, while the greek feels the need to explain how the first environment of Jesus' preaching to the Syrian, as including the Galilee. Dalman notes as in Mt 5:18 the mention of the iota as references to the smallest letter yud contained in the Syriac Peshitta Syriac version of the Old Testament and then to an original Syriac Gospel, because in Hebrew the old Thorah, the yod was not the smallest letter (in the Western Aramaic spelling of Hebrew waw was the smallest and the fact that in writing the Aramaic / Hebrew square most of the Qumran documents, the yud is the smallest lot weakens the cogency of this deduction, but not prevent it). Dating Syrosinaiticus of late by most scholars, apart from the injury that treats it as a translation from the greek, I think it is flawed by its assuming its dependence on the Diatessaron: the attribution of this view to Tatian, then the text of Aramaic gospels that can not be separated in the late second century or beginning of the third. The Diatessaron is a text of the second century. AD precisely attributed to Tatian: You left us in different languages translation, and discusses what the original language. For many, the original language is greek for others and for me is the Aramaic Syriac: in greek is not left, we have Persian and Arabic versions, and a commentary by the Sant'Ephrem Fourth century, which contains almost all the text he quoted in Aramaic Syriac. It 'a text that presents the life of Jesus through the steps that correspond to the four canonical Gospels and even others who are not present in the canons, and perhaps linked to the so-called' gospel of the Jews 'lost except for fragments, and also to' Gospel of Thomas' extant in Coptic. It 'was then considered a kind of uniform initial composition of the four canonical gospels and this was called Diatessaron. Others have called to account for the fifth, the fifth source. It 'was the text used by the Eastern Christian churches from the second to the fifth century or so, until it was banned and destroyed its copies to return to the four gospels separate version that is still used in churches and Eastern Aramaic, which is called 'Peshitta'. The prohibition and destruction are related to the fact that, compared with passages in the Gospels as we know them in the canonical version, the matching of different classes that indicate the enkrateia, or food and sexual continence, particularly vegetarianism. But enkrateia is present in the New Testament, and Peter and Paul, the show as a gift by virtue of the Holy Spirit! However, the extant copies of the Diatessaron of the second century are the oldest extant copies to the New Testament passages. The Syro-Aramaic gospels discovered in two copies in the nineteenth century, the Sinaitic Syriac Cureton and are certainly versions of the four canonical Gospels from which Tatian composed the 'Diatessaron'. There are later versions in Italian dialects of the fourth, but the most important rimastaci is Arabic, also closer to Aramaic-Syriac version cited in his commentary on Sant'Ephrem. Of the Arabic version also exists an English translation on the market yet: J. Hill, 'The Earliest Life of Christ' ('The first life of Christ'), Gorgias Press. As already stated Burkitt and others, the correlations between the text of the Diatessaron and Syrosinaiticus can be explained by the hypothesis of the dependence of the Diatessaron Syrosinaiticus or the community more or less pronounced dependence on the gospel of the Jews. The hypothesis a greek original text of the Diatessaron, in the absence of concrete evidence and in the presence of text in some way preserved by Syrian Ephrem, it seems very unlikely and implausible and ad hoc in order to substantiate the dependence on separate Greek gospels, but if the Diatessaron originally Syro-Aramaic seems much more likely historically the prior existence of Syrian-Aramaic Gospels separated. In short, I believe that the assumptions on the Diatessaron form a circle around the original gospels presumption of separate Greek and have no basis: the concordance found text can certainly be explained as stated otherwise. The other reason why I think you want to avoid the conclusion suggested above is because that would mean admitting the Syro-Aramaic Gospels employees already separated from the gospel of the Jews, the components of 'heretics' would no longer be attributed to 'corruption' of Tatian Encratites but incorporation of the separate gospels themselves. Tatian was considered a heretic by the Western church dell'encratismo origin, or of a current promulgated ascetic abstinence from flesh foods, or even a vegan-vegetarian diet and abstinence from sexual intercourse or at least relationships' willing 'to a purely carnal-material. But, as already mentioned, the enkrateia has even preached in the New Testament texts greek and also by S. Paul, the Apostle of the Gentiles, from the standpoint of Aramaic Syriac, it is understood that Nazarite-Nazarenes, an ancient epithet of Jesus and his Jewish followers (Christians instead is the proper term for the followers of Western or Greek or Gentile ) in fact means 'abstinent' or 'continents', or in greek is the equivalent of 'Encratites'. As already understood Franz Overbeck in the early twentieth century, the original Christianity, or would be more correct to say 'Nazor' original was inherently ascetic. The fact that the Diatessaron represents a product later and 'corrupt' by the addition of the Gospels Greek-deflection ranging from gospel to the Jews is based on the idea that this is a product late and corrupt Judeo-Christian heresy (that the mother Church of Nazarene Jerusalem never existed and that the Nazarenes were a heretical sect later), and not as it can be inferred from the same Greek Fathers of the Church at the base of the same Gospel of Matthew and probably others. But if any of the Syro-Aramaic gospels prior to the fourth, this would make it difficult to date as late and the heretical gospel of the Jews, they are already corrupted by the Syro-Aramaic Gospels separated, on the other hand, the Syro-Aramaic Gospels separate forgiveness credibility and may be considered late and only after the Diatessaron dependent on this. If the Gospels are separated Syro-Aramaic - as I believe - at the base, along with the gospel of the Jews, as a composition of the Diatessaron Syro-Aramaic, then they would at least prior to Tatian, could be considered as the first form of the canonical Gospel texts from which Greeks were translated, and could prove - and perhaps more serious for the tradition - the dependence of our canonical Gospels from the gospel of the Jews. The originality of the Gospel of the Hebrews and the Gospels Syro-Aramaic separate me is also indicated by their Sitz im Leben, or otherwise called extra-textual considerations and general history of Christianity (textual criticism without history is blind: the story of forms alone is not enough): the early followers of Jesus were indeed the Nazarenes, a name given also to the community after the Syro-Aramaic (as he reminds us Bagatti B., The Origins of the Church, the first French edition 1962-65. Libreria Editrice Vaticana , Rome 1981, vol. I, p.17, citing the story of Severus ibn al-Moqaffa the eleventh century, contained in the History of the Councils, PO 6, 484). What, for example, in the version of Matthew 22.4 syrosinaitica lacking expression (already present in the Syro-Aramaic manuscript, known as Cureton) usually translated as 'my oxen and my fat calves are slaughtered' is not an indication of corruption / failure Encratites / tazianea, but of compliance with the dietary rules of the primitive community-Aramaic Nazarene seeks to live here already and now the condition of Eden Vegetarian restored in the Kingdom of God (as evidenced by Jerome, Adversus Iovinianum I.18, and as confirmed directly with the texts' evangelical 'Chinese due to the preaching of the Syro-Aramaic or logos of some Arabic-Aramaic derivation Nazarene). Here are some examples of transforming the text suffered in the transition to the greek Aramaic, an anti-ascetic and anti-vegetarian. In the Syriac text resolves the problem of what to eat and what to dress John the Baptist (Mt.3.4, the text of Mk. 1.6 is lost: the Aramaic word 'qmza', translated in greek like locusts, should instead be understood as meaning 'grass roots of parsnips', while the honey' wild 'denotes the natural honey tree (not quello'coltivato', produced by bees), the belt is not worn by John Leather as in the Greek translation, but with hair ('Saqa', 'eruta', the 'hairs' could also be Gamala city and not a camel). Pitch can be translated as: "Now, that John was clothed with camel's hair bag, and was surrounded on the sides of a braid of hair bag, and his food was the roots of grasses wild parsnip and honey tree." In Mt 7:22 SYC's Plus: "Have we not eaten and drunk, according to your name?". Sys and SYC in Mt 15.20: "... that a man should eat bread without having washed your hands do not defile the man", and correspondingly Mc. 7.19: "... and all the food is purged / purged" (not 'made clean'). The fact is that the Western Church, consists mainly of Gentiles, including the revelation of the imminent fulfillment of messianic time, had just been granted to the Gentiles by James as head of the Council of Jerusalem (Acts 15:19, 28-29; 21.25 ) on the dietary rules and other rituals in accordance with the so-called 'laws nohaiche', and then also as implicitly most conceded by Paul - even if Paul had invited the Gentiles not to eat meat than to the Jews - in the name of ethics Interim imminence of the Kingdom of God and the priority of faith in Jesus the Messiah. Initially, then, it was not an original Judeo-Christianity, Pauline Christianity in the corrupt, but just to kind of concessions from the Nazarite messianism. In the separation between Jews and Gentiles Christians Nazarenes, became increasingly effective after the destruction of Jerusalem and the Mother Church of Jerusalem in '70 and the death of the historical leaders of Nazor and Paul, the Western Church kind, now constituted as an institution and not as part of the community eschatological, broke away almost completely by the rules 'rituals' of the Torah. The choices of the Western Church have therefore a 'foundation' in the historic concessions to kind of James converted and the perspective of Paul. However, with regard to diet, in the position of James in the end it was an admission of the Gentiles 'secondary', almost 'hearers' of the participants in the salvation of Israel, against the 'Start', 'pure' Nazarenes, whereas in the position incorrectly attributed to Paul but later there was the mistake of considering the diet as an ethical choice, but as part of ritual rules now to be overcome nell'indistinzione between Jews and Gentiles. It 'clear that this messianic openness to the Gentiles by the Nazarenes appear ambiguous and' quisling 'to the zealots, goons engaged in armed struggle to the Roman Empire (or at least ambiguous to Orthodox Judaism scribal self-righteous, then rabbinical antimessianista and defender of deuterosis, Nazarenes who branded themselves as heretics, minim now be expelled from the Jewish synagogues), as it is also clear that the Romans, Jesus and the Nazarenes themselves largely peaceful, then even as the Gentile Christians, however, related to these Pauline, appeared in every If insurgents proclaiming the fall of the Roman Empire to the establishment of the Kingdom of God From the perspective of Jesus' radical, although not directly involved in preaching to the Gentiles, was certainly not expected for anyone, Jew or gentile who was a derogation from ethics Edenic (including food) necessary to establish the time and here in the Kingdom of God, while Jesus certainly, as the prophets more radical, was contrary to all the rituals of deuterosis and conversely had not imagined that we should establish a 'church' lasting Until the final of the Kingdom of God (not just a Nazarene or Christian church, as well, related to this, a lasting religion separate from Judaism, but also a Jewish church, as well as the temple Jewish religion and Jewish lasting no longer be provided as required in the implementation of the Kingdom of God). There were errors then that Paul James is on this point. The Western Church, so when he found himself reported that the teachings of the Gospel texts Nazarenes type "vegan" or ascetic, paradoxically, he thought a corruption of their brand 'Judaizing', not realizing that the concessions made secondary to the Gentiles did not reflect at all the ideal Gesuato original or this was consistent with the perspective of Paul as identified in Paul's letters, collected by Marcion first, the most ancient documents and the priority Christianity, as erroneously datandole earlier gospels (the Gospels in their first draft are ancient Aramaic, already thirty or forty years, and they were following the same approach to Paul's preaching Jesus and to rework the Nazarite in the sense universalistic messianism adapted to the Gentiles: the ostensible late composite of the canonical Gospels is related to the nature of pesharim or midrashim many passages or the initial string encoding in terms of logos and collections-lists of prophecies made by Jesus, subsequently revised. The same original letters of Paul to the Jews of the diaspora may have been written in Aramaic according to Acts 21.37-40, 22.1-2, Paul was bilingual, spoke greek el'aramaico), and ran here and there in the Gospels probably the first Greek translation from the Aramaic texts. On the other hand, the Jews converted by the preaching of Jesus or Nazarite (Pharisees: Acts 15.5) did not follow those in the rejection of rituals and texts of the Gospel texts deuterosis and corrected by adding information such as ritual commanded by Jesus to the people miraculously. Thus, both the texts of the Ancient and the New Testament has remained in the Western tradition is the tradition of the Eastern Peshitta are corrupt, from the point of view of Jesus, and Pauline instances and instances of Judaizing. The originality of the Gospel and the Jews Syro-Aramaic of the Gospels apart, and all this is connected, you do not want to admit it would call into question the whole tradition of Western Christianity. But I think that the questioning of the Western churches on these issues is a step necessary to reclaim a number of the most original of Jesus and early Christianity and also to give historical foundations of the oldest and most credible, as well as a perspective and for a renewed ecumenical dialogue with Judaism, the language carries with it an implicit cosmology, anthropology and theology, and to regain, if not always of the 'ipsissima verba' of Jesus, as he had hoped Jeremias, at least to thinking previous Nazarene Hellenizers to contamination of a way of philosophical thinking and abstract greek, in my opinion is very important.
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The "Revolution" Anthropological and Socio-Politics of Christianity Originally
Understanding precisely the transition from the old to the New Testament, beyond the historically correct terminology since declined with a view already set up in a Christian sense back, raises the question of what actually characterizes the origins of Christianity than to Judaism of that time. Christianity, from this point of view, is nothing but a form of Messianic Judaism that is characterized by an eschatological radical. It is somewhat the proclamation of a new time, a new world of new relationships, and then a new ethical and social bonds within this new world. Eschatology in fact refers to the concept of the end: this is the announcement of the end of the old world and the old time and of the proclamation of the advent of a new world and a new time. Very often it is characterized innovation of Christianity, for example, about the concept of time simply by linking opposition between a typical cycle time of the Greek culture and the proposition instead of a linear time from the point of view of Christianity or the biblical perspective. This seems simplistic, because there is more than this: there are things that just are not even framed in the usual partition of the story that we now do in our culture between a before and after Christ, a purely chronological distinction precisely linearity that would be its history. No, this is a real divide: at one time the old world a new one it replaces, a time that is characterized mainly in terms of ethical and cosmic, once redeemed by the presence of evil in life. I also said cosmic eschatology because it features the original primitive Christianity just about all aspects of something that concerns not only man, but a transformation that involves the entire cosmos is a kind of cosmic revolution that is essentially to be announced Christianity and the fact that you can characterize that phrase we all know of 'a new heaven and a new earth', and that is developed in a more Christian writings such as the apocryphal Gospel of Thomas. In any case, the original Christianity is not reducible to something that has to do only with man, in anthropology, as perhaps you went changing in its historical development. And this new view of Christianity finds its reason for being in a particular historical relationship so to speak of 'interpretation', although maybe this term is incorrect as we shall see, the interpretation of Torah (Law), interpretation of the Pentateuch, the Prophets: a particular reading, a particular learning, so to speak precisely of Torah, the Tanakh (acronym for Torah , Neviìm or the Prophets, Ketuvim that the sacred writers). Now, as described in the canonical Gospel of Matthew verse 11.12-14 (12 From the days of John the Baptist until now, the kingdom of heaven has been forced and violent attempts to seize it by force. 13 Why all the prophets prophesied until John. 14 And if you accept it, he is Elijah who is to come. ) and in Luke 16:16 (16 The law and the prophets were until John, since then the Kingship of God is proclaimed and each press toward it) , Yeshu'a (Jesus) will interpret this new Currently, this new era, this new world, saying that up to Yochanan (John) has prophesied, now it's something else. It is no longer to prophesy, it is no longer interpret the Word of God, this is instead of do it, it is realize: it is built on the ground to give a new face to the earth, and the prophets Elijah had been assigned to this task. The Kingdom of God, or rather the Kingship of God ( Malkhuta of Alach ), has nothing to do with a heaven or an afterlife beyond death, but it is a new realm, a new power which manifests itself , a new being in the world that takes the place of others and will be fulfilled. And this kind of relationship with the Torah can be understood, for example, even more than could do with the usual tools of exegesis until mid-twentieth century, when, instead, be taken into account what has emerged, as is known, since 1947, when they were discovered the so-called Dead Sea Scrolls, Qumran, a community Essene. The community of Qumran represented a particular way of relating to the Torah, just like this, and you can exemplified in a paper which is sometimes rendered in translation as Habakkuk Commentary : the floor for comment pesher, a procedure that is not so much commentary or interpretation of what discount the Torah, in the sense that the Word of God refers to the time and here and as such must be made, here and now, no more prophecy, but the fulfillment of prophecies.
So many of the achievements of the prophecies contained in the canonical gospels must be interpreted in a somewhat 'different than it did at times a critical a bit' too hasty, and perhaps not only secularly oriented but also Christian point of view that considered the Gospel passages in which there was talk of realization of the prophecies as construction ad hoc, ex post facto to support the fact that Jesus was considered to be the Messiah ( Mashichà ) is thought to work most of redaction of the Gospels, and, on the basis of the forms of literary criticism or critical editorial that has greatly developed in recent years, you could just take these steps as the construction 'to table ', editorial, by whom he gradually made up of different layers of the later gospels.
The discovery of the Qumran documents, however, points out that it is actually put in different terms: just as in the gospel is a reference to previously mentioned John as the initiator of a new way of relating to Torah, as in the documents of this is attributed to the Qumran so-called 'Teacher of Righteousness,' which was the reference point of the Qumran community. Beyond the more or less possible or necessary identification of John the Baptist with the 'Teacher of Righteousness' Qumran, given this perspective on Thorah identical view on the one hand and the dependence of Jesus by John as attested in the Gospels and the other from the 'Teacher of Righteousness' as proven by the analysis of the Qumran texts, and as otherwise sensed by Robert Eisler, it is important to consider the Gospel passages on the achievements of prophecies by Jesus in terms of pesharim. How also reiterated yet again is the passage of the canonical Gospel Luke v. 3.2, which says that the Word of God began to be fulfilled in John, or we could also read the prologue of the Gospel of John as tied to this perspective in which the Word of God is realized. So you see that the relationship with the Torah is not mere prospect of interpretative hermeneutics, but a real prospect of completion, it is as if the law and the prophets were read by changing the status semiotic: it is not more than denotative utterances related to a story, but statements that must assume a performative, an executive value. This is the special relationship of John, the 'Teacher of Righteousness', Jesus and the Torah in speaking of the kingdom of And God is a reading, an approach to Torah that stands strongly on Messianic Judaism is not: the characteristic of Christianity, which means nothing more than messianic and messianism, is this. Now, we have clearly said the implementation of a new era and a new world, what you characterize this new time and this new world announced and proclaimed by Jesus? You can actually understand what constitutes if you read a passage from the Gospel of Luke to understand this. Then, in verse 4:16 of the Gospel of Luke says Jesus talks about a :
he came to Nazareth, where he was brought up, and went according to his custom into the synagogue on the Sabbath and stood up to read. He was given the book of the prophet Isaiah, opened it, found the place where it was written
The Spirit of the Lord is upon me;
because he has anointed,
and sent me to proclaim good news to the poor,
to proclaim liberty to captives
and sight to the blind;
to set at liberty the oppressed,
proclaim the year of the Lord.
he closed the book, gave it back and sat down.
This scripture to which you refer is in fact a quotation from the book of Isaiah 61.1-2. Here, freedom for prisoners, freedom for the oppressed, to proclaim the year of the Lord. So if you want to understand what, beyond the fact that we have already noted, the performance of writing, what constitutes this new time, we can do, we can understand exactly where we present some passages from the Torah where is established on Saturday, the Sabbath , the sabbatical year, which falls every seven years, Shemittà , and Yovel (Jubilee), which just falls every 50 years. Or even the concept of Holy Year of Jubilee (Yovel Hayovelim ) that falls approximately in 2500 (which is basically a eon-astronomical cosmic about 2300 years, linked to the precessional motion for the spring equinox when the sun rises in a new constellation). Basically, this link is clear when it is noted that one characteristic of the jubilee year was precisely to free slaves, liberation of prisoners, the liberation of the oppressed, and the restitution of land by various owners, because The key concept is that the earth does not belong to anyone but God
Regarding the Shemittà is written (the first three commandments, Mitzvot, positive, others negative):
Exodus 23:11 : the seventh year you give him some rest and leave the fruit.
Leviticus 25.4 : ... in the seventh year there will be a complete cessation of work for the land, a Sabbath to the Lord.
Deuteronomy 15.1-2 : At the end of every seven grant the remission: every creditor shall transmit what will be lent to his neighbor.
Leviticus 25.4-5 : ...non seminerai il tuo campo né poterai la tua vigna. Non mieterai l’erba nata dai semi caduti nella tua mietitura e, non vendemmierai l’uva della tua vigna non potata.
Deuterenomio 15.2 : non costringerai al pagamento né il suo prossimo né il suo fratello.
Si mangerà solo qualsiasi cosa germogli spontaneamente dalla terra, sia da parte degli uomini che da parte degli animali (il che implica anche una scelta dietetica vegetariana-vegana):
Leviticus 25.6-7 : The product of the Sabbath of the land is yours because there cibiate ... and also for your livestock and wild animals that are in your land will be all its products because it Cibin .
And as for the Yovel:
Leviticus 25.11-12 : .. . is the Jubilee for you that will be the fiftieth year, you do not sow or reap the herbs themselves were born in that year and do not harvest the undressed vines in that year, because it is the Jubilee will be sacred to you: you shall eat the products directly from the field that year.
These moments in the religious life of the Jewish people represented the cyclical nature of the fracture and liturgical time you play a fracture, for example, on Saturday, the seventh day, that the rest of God, or the seventh year or the fiftieth year (the year after 7x7). So here is what the new time, however, the new cosmic era preached, proclaimed and proclaimed by Jesus is cosmic time of the sabbatical year ever: the new time, new aeon, the cosmic new age will only ever be characterized in terms of the sabbatical year, the Shemittà .
The characteristics of Shemittà are mainly two and can somehow be observed even in the most famous prayer, that of 'Our Father' as reported by Matthew and Luke: debt relief, remission of debts, and not working the land. From this point of view, this new aeon has in itself the characteristics of both the sabbatical year is the jubilee year of jubilee jubilees or just dell'ipotizzato, and to understand the fracture brought by Jesus in this kind of perspective it should be noted that the Jubilee, for example, was no longer substantially as announced by the court was Jewish, now the destruction of the First Temple and the great teacher Hillel the Elder, had in some so interpreted it in a way that somehow make exceptions to the effective completion of the characteristics of the Sabbatical and Jubilee year.
Substantially all of this brings us back to two perspectives that are opened from these considerations about Jesus: an anthropological perspective and a perspective of socio-political. Essentially that advocated by Jesus with these characteristics of the Kingdom of God is an anthropological revolution that we can understand only if we go backwards in what is called human prehistory, and then look at humanity from an anthropological point of view and we see that revolution, as usually is indicated, represents the period of the Neolithic period with the introduction of agriculture and then later with the introduction of writing, against which Jesus somehow implicitly throws in his attacks against the scribes. Jesus is in fact much closer to an oral tradition, a form of learning Torah with the heart, as implied by an oral tradition, something living that is exchanged from person to person and not a sale in a writing that is somehow something dead. With regard to agriculture, in fact, the principles of the sabbatical questioning their work as land use, and thus beyond the forms which then took the idea of the Sabbath in Judaism, this is largely linked not to work on the land.
From this point of view, as very often the history of religions has resulted in a contiguity between the symbols of Christianity and the religions of the Neolithic, but here it seems that Christianity (and with Jesus as other reformers in other religions of the earth on which I will not, in a period that Karl Jaspers pointed out as an axial period of history), the Christian religion is presented as the latest trend to combat what resulted from the Neolithic Revolution and proclaim a new relationship with the earth and with nature, a relationship that just is not tainted by that first way of systematic exploitation of the land from the man who represented the agriculture and is also the basis for a series of transformations including the link social relations between men (from this way of relating to land are derived, for example the establishment of private ownership of fields, the institution of money, and all a number of things, as already discussed, comes from this fundamental transformation of the relationship between man and nature that is established with the advent of agriculture and with the advent of the Neolithic).
That this is so is another step includes reading the Gospels, Matthew 6.25-34, also picked up by Luke 12.22-32. Here they are from the Gospel of Matthew:
Therefore I tell you about your life Do not worry about what you eat or drink, nor about your body, what you wear; Is not life more than food and the body more than clothing? Look at the birds of the air do not sow or reap, nor gather into barns and yet your heavenly Father feeds them: Are you not much better than they? And who of you by being anxious can add a single hour to his life? And why take ye thought for raiment? Observe how the lilies of the field do not labor or spin. Yet I tell you that even Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed like one of them! Now if God so clothe the grass of the field, today and tomorrow is cast into the oven, will he not much more clothe you, O ye of little faith? Do not worry, saying, What shall we eat? What shall we drink? What shall we wear? Of all these things do the Gentiles; your heavenly Father knows that you need. Seek ye first the kingdom of God and His righteousness, and all these things shall be added to you. Therefore do not worry about tomorrow, for tomorrow will worry about itself. Each day has enough trouble of its.
So, this concern about what to eat, what to drink is sometimes interpreted in a free manner, without reference to the context in which these sentences are called , and instead they assume a new light when they are interpreted in relation to the proclamation of the kingdom of God as a gap year ever, because this is confirmed by what is written in the book of Leviticus 25.20 in its report a year sabbatical:
If you say, What shall we eat the seventh year, if not sow and reap our products? Do not worry, I will place it in your favor a bumper harvest for the sixth ...
In the Gospel passage, then there is even Leviticus 25.20 a semicitazione explicit about the sabbatical year, so there is a general concern with respect to what we drink or what to eat if not to renounce the claim to work the land for a new relationship with the land, the establishment of a new land. And here you can understand this even better when you go to see the teachings of Jesus preserved in a tradition of logos Arab [1] where at the conclusion of this step of Matthew is added, there is this other explanation vegetarian-vegan:
145. ... O children of Israel! Take the temples and tombs as dwellings as houses! Behave as guests passing through! Do not you see the birds of the sky? They do not sow, nor gather, yet God feeds them in the highest! O Children of Israel! eat barley bread and wild plants!
Here for completeness other logos Arabs, who support this perspective:
39. ... And the Messiah said to the apostles: "Eating barley bread mixed with salt hard, wear hair shirts and sleeping in the dung, it is therefore much, if conducive to the salvation of the soul in this world and the .
44. Wilt thou follow the example of those who possess the Spirit and the Word, Jesus son of Mary (peace be upon him!). He said: "My seasoning is hunger, my badge is the fear of God, my dress is wool, my coat during the winter is where you beat the rays of the sun, the moon is my lamp, feet my beast of burden, my food and fruit on my table are all that springs up spontaneously from the earth (no cultivation) . It's dark and I do not own anything, the day breaks and I do not have anything, and yet there is no one on earth that is richer than me. "
77. The Messiah son of Mary (peace be upon him) wore garments of hair, ate the fruits of wild trees , had a son who could die, or a house that could collapse, he did not think the next day, and slept wherever The night I plucked.
80. The Messiah (God bless him and give him peace) used to say: "Oh, the children of Israel, use pure water, wild plants and barley bread, and avoid leavened bread because you would not be grateful to God ".
109 (111Robson). Jesus (upon him peace) said to the apostles: "Take as houses places of worship, such as hospices and homes. Eat wild plants, drink water from the springs , and stay clear of the world. "
139. If you want to imitate the fast of Jesus, the son of the Immaculate Conception (on both the peace!) know that he fasted all the days of his life that did not eat barley bread, wearing clothes horsehair camel, and wherever the night plucked him, stopped his steps and prayed until you see the sign of dawn on the horizon soon ...
This is the anthropological perspective, but there is also another perspective, more properly political, that somehow this is within this anthropological perspective, it is precisely because the relationship with the earth that determines the social bond, which determines the relationships between people, and it is agriculture that has transformed the way of being human. These more political issues were highlighted in the analysis that gave the Gospels and the views of Jesus, Robert Eisler, a great historian of forgotten religions whose thinking was then taken over by Jacob Taubes (who in 1947 had done a thesis PhD Eisler on these issues, precisely, and then culminated in the publication in 1991 of this famous and important book, Eschatology Western ). Eisler emphasized the political importance of this statement of Jesus: somehow the realization of the kingdom of God passed through the desert experience, the experience of a wild, as was that of Qumran, as was the experience of Jesus in the desert for several days, such as raccontatoci the canonical Gospels, not only canonical, for the case of the miracle of the multiplication of bread in the desert. And what is the political significance of the experience of the desert Eisler second justifies the concern of the disciples or apostles of little faith that poses the problem of 'what to eat and drink what'? is in some ways a kind of revolution, Taubes least likely non-violent, in which the experience of the desert is a kind of secessio plebis, a way to escape the rule of the Roman and as such was not only a political and social oppression but also a blasphemy, a blasphemy, as implied in some way for what has been said about John the Baptist in Mt.3.3, showing 40.3 and Isaiah which is usually transcribed in incorrectly to a shift of the colon.
Is not:
voice of one crying in the wilderness, Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make his paths straight.
But rather is:
Page of one crying in the wilderness prepare the way of the Lord, make his paths straight.
was the way to be free in the desert was the experience that he repeated the experience of the Exodus, when God does come to the manna Jews on their way when in fact there is nothing to eat, as Jesus repeats in some way with the miracle of the multiplication of bread in the desert when there is more to eat in Mt 14.12-23.
And, from this point of view, even that phrase, which is usually reported as a locus of power or dual power of Church and State (it was always interpreted as at least some level of consideration) or, Mt.22.21, 'Give to Caesar what is Caesar's , and to God what is God ', takes an entirely different perspective, basically means' returned '-as the translation would be better - to Caesar what is Caesar's, because we do not need and is a blasphemy that there' s image of Caesar, emperor considered divine by roamni on coins: the use of money with the effigy of Caesar is essentially a sin of blasphemy against God there substantial rejection of the use of money as a general means of communication - to put it to Luhmann - in social relations: there is no other possibility than a radical rejection of the money to overcome the blasphemy of the Roman emperor and to overcome the injustices that the money involved, very different perspective from that which is recited today in the formula 'there is no democracy without capitalism'. The refusal of money is the only way to liberate herself from social ties inauthentic and distorted by the fact relationship mediated by money. And this is clear for example when you go to read a variation to the text of Matthew 19.16-24, the story of the rich man who asks Jesus what should I do to have eternal life, and, after the first response that says that basically followed the teachings of the Law and the Prophets, then Jesus says: 'If thou wilt be perfect, sell all what you have and give to the poor '. Now, the interesting variant of the Gospel of the Hebrews, this apocryphal Gospel which has largely been lost, is just another act rich and Jesus replies, 'but how can you say you follow the law of the prophets, who follow the Torah when your brothers are suffering in poverty and die of hunger '.
Here is shown a type of interpretation or if you want the realization of the Torah very different from what was usually raised, and even Jesus can not be closer to the Zealots, who proclaimed an armed struggle, and proposes a revolution non-violent as the 'Sermon on the Mount' shows (which states that you should not resist evil, just that if you are detained to have to walk a mile with the kidnapper for two, all of which could also be referred in this context, in time, to abuse of the Romans against the Jews, or 'love your enemies'), even if the perspective is different, and that is a non-violent revolution, a revolution is always, of not accepting the status quo .
While we may also refer to a Latin culture of tolerance, one must nevertheless admit that the Roman Empire certainly has made absolute crimes, including the fact - despite the complex issue of account of the death of Jesus - who were the Romans to crucify Jesus, because he was the king of the Jews, as described by the title on the cross, and because with its proclamation of another kingdom and a kingdom of God, no afterlife, but in contrast to the reign of Caesar, in some way undermined the foundations.
[1] For the Arabic text and a translation Latin America, see: Logia et Agrapha Domini Jesu – Apud moslemicos scriptores, asceticos praesertim, usitata I e II , a cura di M. Asin et Palacios, in Patrologia Orientalis, tomo 13, fascicolo 3 n. 64 (1917) e tomo 19, fascicolo 4 n. 94 (1926), Brepols, Turnhout (Belgio) 1990 e 2003; per una traduzione inglese, si veda per esempio: The Ascetic Jesus in The Islamic Jesus – The Portrait of Jesus in Islamic Literature and Tradition , ed. by D. Deleanu, transl. from Arabic and latin by D. Deleanu and J. Robson, Writers Club Press, Lincoln (USA) 2002, pp. 25-35, p. 48.
Is It Bad To Shower After A Wax Treatment?
Il Cristianesimo Occidentale e the Greek concept of time
We now try to understand in terms of the Greek concept of time, such changes involves the Christian view.
an original conception of time-perception that characterized the entire perception of the world is indeed found in the myths: the science historian Giorgio de Santillana, following the religious historian Charles Francois Dupuis, showed that universal myths, beyond its symbolism, articulated in a religious images dating back to ancient astronomical wisdom about six thousand years before Christ, in which the predominant sense of time is intimately linked to the phenomenon known as precession of the equinoxes. [1]
The first archetypal images of the time, which condense the original experiences of man in nature, give themselves fully for the first time in the Egyptian hieroglyphic language and civilization. There are two images here somehow 'complementary' of time and eternity: a rectilinear, linked respectively to the hieroglyphics 'at' and 'jet', and another cyclic-circular, linked respectively to the hieroglyphics 'b' and 'neheh'. [2] In their derivation from the Egyptian civilization, [3] is known that in the mythical thinking and then philosophical and scientific greek, beyond the time of poetry and tragedy or history, [4] cyclic-circular image will dominate the weather, while inside and eschatology apocalyptic Judeo-Christian, even through the mediation of the Iranian-Zoroastrian, it will raise its rectilinear of time and eternity.
Yet, the historical event of Christianity in the world of Oriental life, and then west, is not only a turning point in a single, homogeneous time where you can succeed in continuity, from the ancient Egyptian civilization , within a framework of order, an era "pagan" and then an era "Christian" but it disrupts the order of the time single, homogeneous, we introduce a discontinuity irreducible, only dimly reflected in redate of human history in a before and after Christ within a continuum chronologically. [5] The same "relativization" of historical time, in the wake of suggestions Heidegger, Ernst Bloch, can give only a vague idea of what. [6]
is not merely a theoretical opposition between a Greek conception of time as cyclical and a Christian conception of time as linear, but a radical difference in this clash of underlying image, in the experience of proto-life time compared to his previous experience. Unlike Heidegger's perspective, going back to Pauline Christianity, for the understanding of proto-life must be shaped by Judeo-Christianity that the contemporary historical research has recognized as effective primitive form of Christianity in particular, I refer here to what I will call "-Essene Nazarite-Christianity," a particular form of the original Judeo-Christian eschatology closer "super-ethics" universal love of Jesus, the historical roots of Christianity are in fact to act in a "Essenes" not definitive as narrowly identified with the form presented by the Qumran community, but as a vast movement of Judaism that Jesus has made unorthodox, freeing it from sectarian rigid legalism and exclusivism that distinguished him up aggression and resentment as well theorized and ideological, not only for nationalistic but also to all non-members of the community "elected". [7]
Time is not as experienced as the origin myths as astronomical cycles and then single, homogeneous, and then in greek philosophy back to Aristotle regarded as homogeneous spatial extent and succession of moments-now separated. But time is not even the most experienced in the Egyptian religion as enriching the rectilinear image of the time of the 'vertical cross-spine of Osiris' or derivative apocalyptic eschatological and cosmological late-Jewish which also is directly related experience essential Christian, Not only and not homogenous in the succession of different ethical aiones (eons) cosmic separated. [8]
This is because experience proto fictitious life, which "make" fully - even radically transformed - all religious experiences archaic and ancient Egypt through a derivation, it already gives a new time, a new Aion (eon) cosmic now that it is an indissoluble stretched to the kingdom of God, the second Parousia heavenly [9] future of Christ, which is very close , chrono-topologically inseparable from any past or present kairos (moment) and chrono-metrically determined as an event after a time interval calculated as an extension-exact distance. Here, time, and irreversible end of the individual human life, history (chronos ), one misses most in conflict with the time in the world (aion ), also irreversible, because with the Parousia will come the universal resurrection of the dead, the apocatastasis, and life will become zoe aionios ("eternal life", or "Life of the New World," "Life of the New Aeon of Christ "), but this fictitious self-understanding of life, individual and historical, there is only uncertainty of the fundamental kairos decision-irreversible irrevocable life that is not a mere state of waiting, but hopefully, monitors and especially "anticipates "in this" here and now "(already operating in an absence) the future completion of the final revelation ( apokalypsis ) nell'indeterminazione absolute time, the kairos of Parousia. [10]
Experience of authentic temporality, its own, then that is eschatological, apocalyptic, cosmic life which is not proto-abstract or theoretical, but it is "super-ethical, life in this forerunner of the coming kingdom of God, a life without violence, love and peace universal in which the wolf and the lamb, the lion and the gazelle, the basilisk and the child live together in a kind of original sin redeemed from all of life as violence engulfed or domain. [11] alone in this experience of temporality gives you the experience of God in inoggettivabile uncertainty originaria, di radicale inquietudine in cui si decide di vivere o di dare la vita per il regno di Dio.
Tale esperienza della temporalità originaria non è riducibile ad una qualsiasi connotazione soggettivistica o oggettivistica del tempo, in quanto propria di una vita che non teoreticizza astrattamente una separazione soggetto-oggetto di conoscenza, una separazione della vita dalla natura, e in cui, come già detto, tempo della vita e tempo del mondo coincidono; e ancor di più non è riducibile a tempo della coscienza, in quanto proprio di una vita nella natura che autocomprende il mondo del sé come non teoreticamente e astrattamente separato in conscio e inconscio: the experience of temporality lives in the awareness and the decision of faith and eschatological hope but it is rooted, through mythical images of Egypt, in those "archetypes" historical unconscious life [12] already you pre-buy in (his) most profound physical, psychological, already "Eden," "above" (in the original sense and constitutive) to his own form of violent life and therefore, the uncertainty of the life "memory" unconscious pre-individual, pre-specification and pre-biological "certainty" affective-emotional and inefficient, remote, hidden, indeterminate future redemption and the "salvation" of all nature in the light.
This experience of temporality, contrary to long held by Heidegger himself, is not unique to humanity, but, as Paul says, is all creation and all living nature that "groaning "in this hope (Rom. 8, 22).
In Christianity-Nazarite, non-ebionitico, post-apostolic authenticity that is disappearing "super-ethics" of life in the movement towards the close, future Parousia, which is now seen as the expectation of an event is delayed, separate from the current violence in the fictitious life: Christian life undergoes a process of de-escatologizzazione, is de-temporalized and falls in old and dead aeon lord of the separation dia-bolic, the "worldly" - "secularization" of cosmic anthropocentric without the anticipation of God's kingdom [13] The self-understanding of life post-niceana Christian is correspondingly de-naturalization, is de-cosmologizza, ends in a human dimension, it crystallizes into a theory in a dogmatic doctrine separate from life factical in nature or is Hellenized; future inoggettivabile Parousia of Messiah-Son of man is to all intents and purposes reduced to oggettivabilità divine incarnation of the past and current sacramental presence: the archetypal images mythical-symbolic Egyptian, whose language is pure Christianity will play beyond the profound transformation of meaning of its terms, crystallized, by rationalizing the Greek, in the Christological dogmas, Trinitarian and sacramental, this is the onto-theology speaks of Heidegger and which form the ideological fallout of the Christian life in determining anthropocentric reassuring and violent old world.
The Christianization of the Western world since the fourth century is the other side of the "worldly" (and in particular, Westernization: Hellenization and romanization) of Christianity, so the same "secularization" as "de-Christianization" of the Western world since the seventeenth century has its roots in the "worldly" - "secularization" of Christianity in the fourth century.
[1] G. de Santillana & H. von Dechend (1969), Hamlet's Mill. An essay on myth and the frame of time , tr. com. A. Passi, The mill of Hamlet. Essay on Myth and the structure of time , Adelphi, Milano 1983. G. De Santillana, Fate ancient and modern fate, Adelphi, Milano 1985. CF Dupuis (1796), Origine de tous les cultes ou Religion universelle, Paris, vols. I-III. Translated into Italian was a compendium of the same name and written by the same Dupuis in 1798: The origin of all religions, Phoenix, Genoa 1982 and Bastogi, Foggia, 1982.
[2] E. Drewermann (1990), Tiefenpsychologie und Exegese I-II, Walter, Olten, tr. com. C. Danna, Depth Psychology and Exegesis I-II, Queriniana, Brescia 1996, vol. II, pp. 485-487. J. Assmann (1975), Zeit und Ewigkeit im Alten Aegypten, Heidelberg. S. Morenz (1960), Aegyptische Religion, Kohlhammer, Stuttgart, tr. com. G. Pulit and E. Filippi, Egyptians, Jaca Book, Milano 1983, pp. 89-96 and 210-231.
[3] For the Egyptian origins of classical civilization, see: Bernal, M. Black Athena . The Afroasiatic Roots of Classical Civilization, Free Association Books, London 1987, tr.it. L. Fontana, Black Athena, I-II, Practices Editrice, Parma-Milan 1991-1994, although, as outlined in this book, in terms of culture reflected, conscious, Christianity and the "Greeks" were opposed to the Egyptian wisdom, pictures historically "archetypal," unconscious, Egypt have always been predominant in the same mythical-religious language of Christianity and then and mythological greek philosophy (Christianity is not reducible, as seems to believe Bernal following Dupuis, for a misunderstanding of the Egyptian mythology, astronomy and religious: there is a continuity between historically documented phase of Egyptian religion and Christianity, which is expressed through the archetypal images even Egyptian). For the flu, however, the Egyptian religion on Christianity, see: E. Drewermann, Tiefenpsychologie und Exegese I-II, op. cit., vol. II, pp. 457-488.
[4] J.-P. Vernant (1965), Mythe et pensée chez the Grecs, Maspero, Paris, tr. com. M. Romano and B. Bravo, Myth and Thought among the Greeks, Einaudi, Torino 1978, pp. 115-121. P. Vidal-Naquet (1991), Le chasseur noir , La Découverte, Paris, pp. 69-94. S. Mazarin (1965-66), the classic historical Thought I-III, Laterza, Roma-Bari 1990, vol. III, pp. 412-461.
[5] The disruption, and indeed, beyond the continuity of the Egyptian religion, the complete overthrow of ' archaic and ancient order made by the global politico-religious Christianity through Judaism and beyond have been particularly highlighted in: M. Gauchet (1985), The désenchantement du monde, Gallimard, Paris, tr. com. A. Comba, The disenchantment of the world, Einaudi, Torino 1992, pp. 141-176.
[6] E. Bloch (1962), Erbschaft dieser Zeit, Suhrkamp, Frankfurt am Main, tr. com. edited by L. Boella, legacy of our time, The Assayer, Milano 1992. R. Bodei (1979), multiversum. Time and history in Ernst Bloch , Bibliopolis, Naples.
[7] M. Black (1961), The Scrolls and Christian Origins, Edinburgh; M. Black (1969), The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins, in The scrolls and Christianity, and . by M. Black, SPCK, London, pp. 97-106 & 114-116. G. Quispel (1975), Gnostic Studies, Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut, Leiden, voll.I-II: in particular, see the essay contained therein G. Quispel (1968), The Discussion of Judaic Christianity, vol. II, pp. 146-158. H. Schoeps (1949), Theologie und Geschichte des JudenChristentums, Mohr, Tübingen. J. Danielou (1969), That the Scripture might be fulfilled. Christianity as a Jewish sect, in The Crucible of Christianity , edited by A. Toynbee, Thames & Hudson, London, pp. 261-282. Per l'idea Tues escatologia "super-etica": A. Schweitzer (1901), The Last Supper problem because of the scientific research of the 19th Century and the historical accounts. Issue I: The Last Supper in Zussammenhang with the life of Jesus and the history of early Christianity ; Book II: The Messiahship and suffering secret: A sketch of the life of Jesus, JCB Mohr (Paul Siebeck), Tübingen, è qui la seconda parte rilevante Tues quest'opera, tr ingle. Tues W. Lowrie, The Mystery of the Kingdom of God, Prometheus Books, New York 1985, pp. 46-72.
[8] A. Schweitzer (1906), From Reimarus to Wrede: A History of the Historical Jesus Research , JCB Mohr (Paul Siebeck), Tübingen, 1913 2 , 1950 6 , tr it. a cura di F. Coppellotti, Storia della ricerca sulla vita of Jesus, Paideia, Brescia 1986th A. Schweitzer (1967), kingdom of God and Christianity (a cura di U. Neuenschwander), JCB Mohr (Paul Siebeck), Tübingen.
[9] M. Werner (1941), The emergence of Christian dogma - Problem History Illustrated , Paul Haupt, Bern & Katz, Tübingen 1954; un'edizione ridotta è stata pubblicata Tues quest'opera con lo stesso titolo presso Kohlhammer, Stuttgart 1959, tr. com. of FE and A. Sciuto Puskas von Ditri, The origins of Christian dogma, vols. I-II, Rubbettino, Mannelli Soveria 1997, where the second volume is a critical study of FE Sciuto.
[10] M. Heidegger (1995), Phänomenologie des Lebens religiösen , op. cit.
[11] E 'from the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew (19 , 1-2) that you can understand how Jesus has fulfilled the prophecy of Isaiah (Is . 11, 6-9) the messianic kingdom of peace without violence any redeemed between all living beings, like Jesus, the "son of man," come to destroy the kingdom of man and to reveal and establish the kingdom of God, the reign of universal love and peace messianic Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew in New Testament apocrypha - The most ancient Christian texts , edited L. Moraldi, TEA, Milano 1990, pp. 220-221. See also: CP Václavík, The Vegetarianism of Jesus Christ - The Pacifism, Communalism and Vegetarianism of Primitive Christianity , Kaweah, Three Rivers, CA 1986.
[12] E. Drewermann, Tiefenpsychologie und Exegese I-II, op. cit., vol. II, pp. 466-470.
[13] M. Werner (1941), Die Entstehung des christlichen Dogmas - Problemgeschichtlich Dargestellt , op.cit. But even before a process of de-escatologizzazione is a significant loss process just to ethicality in real life, even in the eschatological array Pauline Christianity. See also: H. Corbin, The paradoxe du monotheism, Editions de l'Herne, Paris 1981, tr. com. G. Rebecchi, The paradox of monotheism , Marietti, Casale Monferrato 1986, pp. 85-107.